Let’s call these ‘ordinary abilities’.
Girls' and boys' math skills and abilities are indistinguishable.
A number of basic motor abilities underlie the performance of many routine activities.
As far back as Adam Smith in the 18th century, economists had noted that production depended not just on equipment or land but also on peoples’ abilities.
Not surprisingly, critics of the abilities view argue in the other direction.
But there is also a distinction to be made within the class of abilities itself.
To have the abilities, according to Cussins, is to be presented with locations in experience.
For abilities, observing those with similar abilities allows people to learn what actions they are capable of.
Whether this objection has force depends on the notion of ‘abilities’; one might think the paralyzed have abilities that they can't exercise.
The derivation of each collection of abilities is accompanied by citation of sources that list such abilities and of standardized tests that claim to test them.
The term is most often used in connection with tests of reading skills and language abilities, though other abilities (e.g., mathematical reasoning) may also be examined.
Perhaps experiences are sufficient for certain cognitive abilities, and perhaps Intentionalism gives the best explanation of how experiences are sufficient for certain cognitive abilities.
Taken together, these thoughts yield a promising new line on abilities: that though we ought to reject the conditional analysis of abilities, we may yet defend a dispositional account of abilities.
Less discussed, though, is how the technology comprises the ultimate in double-edged swords; these agencies’ abilities to protect us is growing in tandem with their unprecedented new abilities to watch and track us.
While Nelkin does not herself put weight on the supposed analogy between abilities and dispositions, she shares certain theses with the new dispositionalists, notably that an agent in a ‘Frankfurt case’ does retain her rational abilities.
Instead, it frames the debate in terms of various cognitive abilities a subject might possesses and the way in which intuition is or is not dependent upon such abilities either for its generation or for the kind of structure it possesses.
The county also changed its paradigm about whom the special schools should serve: not the students with the highest abilities across the county, but rather, those students who are outliers at their neighborhood schools, with fewer than 20 peers with similar abilities.
We’re not saying that everyone is born with the same abilities, but what is clear is that practise, effort and finding the best strategy are crucial in determining how successful our children are in life, perhaps even more so than the natural abilities that they were born with.
Concurrent with this development was the identification of two concepts of individual differences: (1) “interindividual differences,” which compares one child with another, and (2) “intraindividual differences,” which compares the child’s abilities in one area with the child’s abilities in other areas.
We might call this the Wallace problem, for Alfred Russel Wallace (who discovered natural selection independent of Darwin) became intensely concerned with the paradox of the human brain’s many potential abilities: lexical, mathematical, and so on—abilities that would be of little use in a primitive or a prehistoric society.
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We might call this the Wallace problem for Alfred Russel Wallace who discovered natural selection independent of Darwin became intensely concerned with the paradox of the human brains many potential abilities lexical mathematical and so on—abilities that would be of little use in a primitive or a prehistoric society