The earliest of significance was Robert Nozick's “Coercion.”
From the moment Rangers issued their statement on this on 11 April, the allegation of bullying and coercion has been a mainstay of the debate.
Some of the most common implications of claims about coercion are explored below.
Is there a sense we can give to the claim that one is less free because of coercion?
These categories may also be regarded as the sub-legal and super-legal uses of coercion.
Manipulation is often characterized as a form of influence that is neither coercion nor rational persuasion.
The second view, that coercion is prima facie or pro tanto immoral, is probably the most commonly held view.
In this way, we might arrive at the idea that manipulation is a form of pressure that does not rise to the level of coercion.
His claim that harm to others merely furnishes ‘a good reason’ allows him to invoke another ‘good reason’ for state coercion—‘the offence principle.’
In the next section, we'll consider how coercion is thought to impinge upon freedom, something that raises obvious ethical implications in its own right.
Besides being first, his essay established a framework for thinking about coercion which provided an intuitively compelling picture of how coercion works.
The largest single effort expended in analyzing coercion has been devoted to making sense of such threats, and determining their relationship to coercion.
If this account is correct, state coercion must be justifiable to religious citizens as religious believers and when it is not, then state coercion lacks moral legitimacy.
It does not include in its content any further normative principle about why coercion is undesirable or about how coercion is to be handled if it is not publicly justified.
With other types of aspectual coercion, however, there were clear indications of processing difficulty indicating that the underlying processes differ between coercion types.
What matters for purposes of the justification of coercion is that each citizen has sufficient reason, as judged from his or her particular perspective, to endorse state coercion.
With respect to his thinking about coercion, Mill is most famous for his views, in On Liberty, about what coercion is not fit to do: namely, be used to regulate people's behavior for their own good.
What, then, of the second way of negotiating the discrimination problem, of explaining why the evil of coercion itself rules out coercion on the basis of (harmless) immoralities, but not on the basis of harm?
In this way, exploitation is importantly different from coercion, even though both coercion and exploitation can involve individuals accepting proposals that appear to make them better off relative to some baseline.
This would appear to produce a mismatch between our pre-theoretic understanding of coercion and the cases that will satisfy Fowler's conditions — for instance, giving someone a false “warning” arguably violates her autonomy, but this seems different than coercion.
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